Реферат по научной статье о западном средедневековью
Книга «ISLAMIC AND CHRISTIAN SPAIN IN THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES» и ее место в историографии
In summarizing the Christian Spanish experience with irrigation, within the context of the issues raised by Wittfogel (see Section 4 of this chapter), I would stress again that the basic issues were cultural and economic, not institutional per se. Wherever the Christians learned Islamic techniques and used the surplus to support urban growth (e.g., in Valencia) continuity with the general structure of pre-conquest economy was total. Irrigation practiced in León and Castile did not produce the same results because the surplus was diverted to seignorial consumption. Nor was conquest necessary to effect a transition: the Catalans did it in Barcelona, initially by utilizing resources originally mobilized for water power, and later by the northward diffusion of noria technology.(123)
6. From L
Показать всеocal to Transhumant Herding
The ordered landscape of al-Andalus, responding to an agrarian system tightly interlocked with an urban artisanal economy, had no place for the kind of rapacious, land-devouring pastoralism that later came to characterize the Mesta, whose herds ran rampant over many a settled community in the later middle ages and in early modern times. To a society of town-dwellers and agriculturalists the sheep was an animal primarily raised for meat; its wool was a byproduct. The Christians of the later middle ages turned the equation around: they cared only for wool and ascribed a low value to the meat.(124)
Little is known of the herding enterprise in al-Andalus. The Berber mountaineers were a herding people and practiced a largely pastoral economy. Al-Himyarî notes the importance of sheep- and cow-rearing in the Sierra de Guadarrama, north of Toledo, whither meat buyers traveled to purchase livestock for distribution throughout the country. It can be assumed that the future Aragonese herding centers (Albarracín, Teruel, Daroca, Calatayud) comprising the former kûra of Santaver - a Berber stronghold -- had been pastoral centers during the Islamic period. Farther west, the areas most in contact with Christian lands, such as Soria, were also areas of Berber settlement. Berbers were responsible for the  introduction of the merino sheep (from Banû Marîn, a Moroccan tribe), but the first citations of merinos date from the fourteenth century, and no conclusion can be reached regarding their initial introduction. Several scholars have noted the similarity of Spanish and Berber sheep-handling procedures, as well as of the pastoral environments of places known to have been inhabited by Berbers.(125) Beyond these brief notes all is conjecture.
The settlement of Berber tribesmen in the mountains of the Middle and Upper Marches, together with the important role of herding in the economies of early Christian kingdoms, easily permits the characterization of frontier relations as a confrontation of herding peoples. This was certainly true of the Berbers' fleeting occupation of the mountains of Galicia, where they must have competed with indigenous mountaineers and Gothic refugees for summer pasture. For the Christians, the acquisition of pasture became a central motive for conquering Islamic territory. This is seen in the succession of regions called Extremadura, which has the meaning of the end of the route of transhumance; the early ninth-century Extremadura lay just to the south of the Duero (whence the false etymology associating such territory with far reaches of that river) in a no-man's-land certainly frequented by itinerant sheep drovers. Later, the search for pasture proved a continuing source of friction among Christian powers. The expansion of the Navarrese into Castilian lands in the eleventh century was in part a quest for new pasture, as was conflict between Castile and Aragón over the pastures of Soria, where the Castilian monastery of San Millán de la Cogolla finally obtained sufficient grazing lands for its ample herd in the early twelfth century. The pastures of Islamic Teruel were an incitement to Aragonese expansion. Once it was wrested from the Muslims (1170), the Aragonese were generally content to let the Catalans take the lead in further action against the enemy, although they were quick to occupy the ample grazing lands in the Valencian hinterland, leaving the irrigated lowlands for the Catalans.(126)
Whether the frontier was permeable to Christian or Muslim transhumant herders depends on the kind of transhumance practiced. In the west of the peninsula, the Islamic system was complete, with summer pastures in the central cordillera and winter ones in the Guadiana basin. Muslim herders would have had no incentive to cross the Duero northward with their herds. The herders of the Duero Valley were faced with ever-diminishing space for grazing, as cereal and grape cultivation expanded. After the conquest of Toledo in 1085, vast new pastures were  opened to them. Klein suggested that Christians may have had access to southern pastures before 1085 through the payment of tolls and protection fees to Muslim authorities.(127)
In the west, therefore, since the Muslims had winter pastures aplenty, it would not have been to their advantage to open the frontier to Christian herdsmen, whose increasing desire to attain that pasture must have added to conflict along the border.
In the Upper March, however, the situation was quite different, inasmuch as that region constituted a natural transit range between the summer pastures of the Pyrenees and the winter pastures of Teruel and Murcia. The range structure would have constituted a natural inducement to permeability of the frontier, which would have been further enhanced by the high incidence of intermarriage among elite groups on either side (e.g., the relations of the Neo-Muslim Banû Qasî with various Pyrenean aristocratic houses).
In the twelfth century, with the decisive shift in the balance of power in the Christians' favor, there is no doubt that transhumance across the frontier was practiced throughout the peninsula. A variety of documents from Cuenca, Tudela, and Teruel attest that Christians were entering alAndalus with herds of sheep in the first half of the century, and a document of 1183 giving Christian herdsmen title to certain enclosed pastures was signed by the Muslim kings of Niebla and Murcia. In 1200 the bishop of Cuenca levied a tax on sheep being taken to "the land of the Moors" to be sold.(128)
The rise of transhumance in the Christian kingdoms was a result of the process of land clearance and cultivation just described. As more and more land was cleared for cereal production, vineyards, or orchards, less was available for the grazing of local herds. Moreover, as the extent of available pasture land diminished, the lay and ecclesiastical lords tended to fence off pasture previously open to villagers. The latter, using up common land in order to expand grain-producing fields, tended to become progressively excluded from the pastoral sector of the economy. When seignorial herds became transhumant, moreover, the villagers further suffered the loss of fertilizer, for these same herds had previously grazed on village fallow and stubble. Monasteries had maintained large herds from early times: that of San Román de Tobiellas (Castile) had 100 cows, 500 hogs, 24 oxen, 10 stallions, 80 mares, and 10 mules in 822, an early date. By the eleventh century, but before the conquest of Toledo, the herd of San Millán de la Cogolla was so large that it was able to  supply the royal palace with 600 sheep, 100 hogs, and 80 cows in 1049 without making a dent in the herd. The Cistercian monastery of Oya in Galicia also had a large herd, yet the Cistercians ate no meat.(129) Many monasteries, even before the commercialization of wool, appear to have used their herds as a kind of investment, frequently employing the animals in place of money -- the equivalence of 1 solidus, 1 sheep, and 1 modius of wheat was standard. To be sure, the monks used sheep for parchment and domestic wool, but these needs alone do not seem sufficient to explain the great size of monastic herds.
Transhumance, as indicated, was a response by large herd owners to the increasing pressure upon local pastureland. It was a system worked out by large proprietors which tended to exclude peasant cultivators from its inception. At base, it was a function of population density and the expansion of cultivated fields and therefore it did not emerge in full relief until the twelfth century, when Catalan monasteries, such as Santes Creus and Poblet, established summer pastures in Cerdaña, and when, after the capture of Toledo (1085), the Tajo Valley was opened to northern herds. The removal of this large animal population from its home base made possible the further expansion of grain and vine cultivation.(130)
The late eleventh and entire twelfth centuries witnessed the steady development of transhumant herding, involving the establishment of regular sheep routes (in effect, extended pastures called cañadas), a steady flow of royal grants permitting sheepowners to graze their flocks unrestrictedly throughout the realm, and exemptions from. the payment of customs dues.(131) This movement culminated in Alfonso X's grant of 1284 establishing the Mesta, or organization of sheepowners, as the primary regulatory instrument of the pastoral economy. It was this moment that marked the rupture between the agrarian system of the early middle ages, involving a balance between local herding, cereal farming, and wine production, and that of the later middle ages, which emphasized commercial crops and initiated a long period of agrarian dysfunction.
7. Forests and Timber
Forests in the Mediterranean world are inherently unstable. Once cut down, they regenerate only with difficulty. Under the most favorable of conditions, hardwood forests, when cut down, will be replaced by a secondary growth of pines, or scrub. If sheep and goats are grazed on the  stubble, conversion to a steppe-like vegetation cover is assured. The precariousness of the forest and, hence, of wood supply, imposed natural constraints upon the diffusion of wood-utilizing technologies; accounted for local shortages wherever such technologies were practiced; and imposed characteristic trading patterns (second only to wheat in its tyranny over trade routes) both within the Mediterranean basin and between it and the forested north.
In comparing the eastern and western Islamic worlds, Maurice Lombard distinguished between deforestation (déboisement), characteristic of the former, and clearance (défrichement), typical of the latter.(132) The same distinction can be applied to the Iberian peninsula, where the possibilities of regeneration of timber decreases from north to south. The progress of clearance, however, linked to agricultural and industrial development, began first in the south and only became a problem in the Christian kingdoms well after A.D. 1000, when the settlement of the plains was in full swing.
In antiquity, deforestation was mainly the result of mining and shipbuilding, the industries that made the greatest demand upon wood supply. In Spain, this affected only the forests of eastern Baetica, particularly the area around Almería, which, in Islamic times, was the site of an arsenal that had to be supplied either from inland stands or, by ship, from the Moroccan Rif. Otherwise the peninsula was still densely forested. Pines were found in the Algarve and Murcia in the south, in the mountains of Cuenca and Albarracín, in the hinterland of Tortosa, and on the island of Ibiza. The Aljarafe area of Seville was famous for acacias. Oaks were found in vast areas of Andalusia, notablv at Fahs al-Ballût ("Plain of the Acorns," now Los Pedroches), a vast stand of evergreen oaks extending across mountains and high plateaux to Almadén. Oaks were also found in Algarve, Extremadura, and New Castile. To the south of the Duero lay another great sash of oak, respected by the Muslims as a strategic barrier, and the entire northern meseta was rich in kermes, evergreen, and holm oaks. The cork oak was also widely diffused, in the south of Old Castile and in al-Andalus.(133)
The demands made upon timber supply by the rapid urbanization of al-Andalus (house construction, furniture, industrial fuel), by intensification of agriculture (hydraulic wheels), and by the rise of the Umayyad state to hegemony in the western Mediterranean (naval supplies) resulted in a retreat of forests from high-demand areas, the growth of wood-related  industries in remote mountain villages, and the establishment of bonds of economic interdependence with the North African coastal region. The area around Almería, where 'Abd al-Rahmân II established an arsenal, was supplied from the Moroccan Rif, from pine stands in the interior of the Betic cordillera, from the Balearics and from the eastern coast, where logs were floated down the Júcar and other rivers to Cullera. Entire villages in the mountains of Segura, Cazorla, and Alcaraz supported themselves by exporting wooden vessels and utensils to urban centers. The same was true of a number of places in the Algarve. Yet al-Andalus was well enough supplied with this resource to be a major exporter of wood in the Islamic world, shipping both timber and finished products from the east and west coasts to Morocco, from which (particularly the port of Qasr al-Saghîr) timber was also imported.(134)
In the Christian kingdoms, forests were cleared mainly for cultivation. Early settlements on the frontier were made in natural clearings and in places where the population density was light, as on the plain of Bages as late as the eleventh century, the attack on the forests was marginal in spite of the increasing pace of settlement. Royal charters were both generous in granting rights to villagers to cut wood (for fuel and for building houses) and to shepherds to cut branches for the making of corrals, fences, and other needs related to herding. But by the twelfth century, with increasing pressure upon woodland, a revaluation of the resource took place, a change in consciousness brought about by compelling economic interests. As supplies dwindled, wood became, as it had long before in the Islamic world, an object of commercialization. There was a natural current of exchange between plains and mountains, the latter supplying carts, wooden agricultural implements, and barrel staves (the charters record the frequent inclusion of toneles and cubos -- wine casks in various exchanges), in return for grain. In the Galician documents studied by Pallares and Portela the first sale of wooden products for money occurs in 1199, with mentions increasing thereafter as cultivators sought wooden containers for wheat and wine, as well as chestnut or oaken stakes for grapevines.(135)
Not unnaturally, as wood became more valued, lords sought to protect their own sources by making them off-limits to the peasantry (by creating defesas, or preserves). Conservation has always begun typically as the strategy of an elite group to conserve a vital economic interest. The monastery of Cardeña had a defesa lignorum as early as the tenth century;  the eleventh-century Fuero of Nájera forbade the cutting of wood in the town forest; restrictions on the communal use of forests became generalized, and by the thirteenth century alarm was widespread. Alfonso X, in the Siete Parti'das, piously warns against those who cut down trees with "bad intention," alluding to the "great pleasure and comfort" that these afford to men when they behold them. In view of the fact that burning off of woodland was a common method of clearance used by peasants as well as by herdsmen, who believed that the ash enhanced the fertility of pasture, the Cortes of Jérez decreed in 1268 that "he who sets fire to a forest is to be thrown into it."(136) It is probable that aristocratic concern was able, at the expense of social justice, to ward off extensive deforestation for several hundred years, postponing the price that the Islamic world began to pay in the eleventh century.
Notes for Chapter 2
1. Compare the six maps in J. M. Houston, The Western Mediterranean World (Longman's, 1964), p. 199; note also Juan Martínez-Alier's critique of overly generalized wet/dry distinctions in Labourers and Landowners in Southern Spain (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1971), p. 25.
2. Peter H. Freeman, "The Agroecosystem: A Framework for Assessing Agricultural Production Technologies in Developing Countries," Technology Assessment, 2 (1974), 243.
3. Ronald Cohen and John Middleton, From Tribe to Nation in Africa (Scranton, Pa., 1970), p. 11.
4. Criticón, III, 9; cited by Castro, The Spaniards, p.119.
5. Raymond Carr, Spain, 1808-1939 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966), p. 2. In the sixteenth century, Francisco de Aldaña understood the arid nature of the peninsula and sought to relate character differences of Spaniards and Muslims to climate; see Castro, The Spaniards, p. 33. Apposite medieval perceptions are noted below.
6. E. Lévi-Provençal, "La 'Description de l'Espagne' d'Ahmad al-Râzi," al-Andalus, 18 (1953), 61-62; Elías Terés, "Textos poéticos árabes sobre Valencia," ibid., 30 (1965), 292-295.
7. See the excellent discussion by James Dickie, "The Hispano-Arabic Garden: Its Philosophy and Function," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and Asian Studies, 31 (1968), 237-248.
8. Terés, "Textos poéticos sobre Valencia," p. 293.
9. Braudel, The Mediterranean, I: 237; Himyarî, Péninsule ibérique, p. 5 (trans.).
10. Makkî, Aportaciones orientales, p. 116.
11. Himyarî, Péninsule ibérique, p. 219 (trans.).
12. See the frequent references from Yâqût, whose entry for Seville in his encyclopedic work is found under the rubric Hims al-Andalus; Gamâl 'Abd al-Kar-im, A1-Andalus en el "Mu'yam al-buldân" de Yâqût (Seville: Publicaciones de la Universidad de Sevilla, 1972), pp.19 n. 12, 56, 144, 147. See also Makkî, Aportaciones orientales, p. 29; al-Saqundi, Elogio del islam español, trans. Emilio García Gómez (Madrid-Granada: Escuelas de Estudios Arabes, 1934), p. 108; Lawrence of Arabia (program of the Columbia Pictures film) (New York, 1962).
13. For the sake of comparison, the two texts-- stanzas 145-147 of the Poema and the fuller version from the Crónica -- may be consulted together in Poema de Fernán González, Alonso Zamora Vicente, ed., 4th ed. (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1970), pp. 44-48.
14. See examples in Castro, The Spaniards, p. 227.
15. Féliz Hernández Giménez, "El convencional espinazo montañoso, de orientación este-oeste, que los geógrafos árabes atribuyen a la Península Ibérica," Al-Andalus, 30 (1965), 201-275. Cf. the more realistic Roman view of the same range in Manuel Criado de Val, Teoria de Castilla de Nueva, 2nd ed. (Madrid: Gredos, 1969), p. 19.
16. Bosch Vilá, A1barracín musulmana, map opposite p. 36.
17. See Lévi-Provençal, "Description de l'Espagne," pp. 60-61, and commentary in Bosch Vilá, A1barracín musulmana, pp. 36-38.
18. Jacinto Bosch Vilá, "Aigunas consideraciones sobre al-Tagr en al-Andalus y la división politico-administrativo en la España musulmana," in Etudes d'Orientalisme dédiées a la mémoire de Lévi-Provençal, 2 vols. (Paris: G.-P. Maisonneuve et Larose, 1962), I: 25-36; and Lévi-Provençal, España musulmana: Instituciones y vida social, p. 32.
19. Bosch Vilá, "Algunas consideraciones sobre al-Takr," pp. 27-28.
20. See Maravall's critique of the received view: Concepto de España, pp. 139-154.
21. Ibid., pp. 152-153: in marchis eremis et in solitariis locis contra paganorum.
22. Ibid., p. 152. Скрыть
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